Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala: A Curse or a Blessing? A Holy Cow or a Wild Bull?-2

 “Let us understand the past and prepare for the future.”

History is not merely a record of what happened. It is a teacher. Communities that honestly examine their past are better equipped to safeguard their future. Those who convert history into mythology often find themselves condemned to repeat their tragedies.

The Sikh community today stands at such a crossroads. More than four decades after the tumultuous events that culminated in Operation Blue Star and the violence that followed, Sikhs across the world continue to debate the legacy of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala. Was he a savior of Sikh interests, a martyr, a political instrument, or a tragic figure whose rise contributed to one of the darkest chapters in modern Sikh history?

These are difficult questions, but mature societies do not shy away from difficult questions.

A Memory from 2014

One evening in 2014—though I no longer recall the exact date—I was gathering information from various sources for my book At War: Four Pillars of Falsehood & Public of Republic. As part of that research, I telephoned one of my former Directors General of the Border Security Force, Mr. Birbal Nath, an ex-IPS officer who had also served as the first Director General of Punjab Police during the early years of Punjab's most turbulent period. He headed Punjab Police from 1980 to 1982.

At the time of my call, Mr. Nath must have been close to ninety years of age and had become hard of hearing. My call was answered by his orderly, who relayed my questions to him and his responses back to me.

What struck me most was not the information he provided but something entirely unexpected. Throughout our conversation, the retired Director General consistently referred to Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala as “Santji.” He used the term naturally, without hesitation or qualification.

The choice of words surprised me. Coming from a former head of Punjab Police who occupied one of the most critical positions in the state's security apparatus during those turbulent years, it offered a perspective I had neither anticipated nor encountered elsewhere. It was under his leadership that Bhindranwala was arrested and later released in connection with the murder investigation of Lala Jagat Narain.

Almost twelve years later, as I sit at my desk writing these lines, that conversation and that single word—“Santji”—return to my mind.

Why Revisit the Past?

Although more than four decades have passed since the Indian Army entered the holiest shrine of the Sikhs, the arrival of June continues to be observed almost as an annual ritual. Across the world, commemorations are organized and the image of "Santji" is celebrated.

Every year new stories emerge. Fresh eyewitnesses appear. Old events acquire new embellishments. To an observer, it often appears that the community is moving in circles—carefully selecting those truths that appeal to public emotions while preserving the larger-than-life image of the Sant.

So many distortions, exaggerations, and selective narratives have accumulated since 1984 that we must begin all over again. The present generation deserves an opportunity to understand how the tragedy unfolded.

The story did not begin in June 1984.

It began to take shape after Vaisakhi of 1978 with the rise of a new star on the Sikh horizon.

The Rise of a New Leader

Until April 13, 1978, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala was largely unknown to the wider Sikh community. Outside the circle of his followers in the Damdami Taksal, few Sikhs had heard of him.

Bhindranwala became the head of the Damdami Taksal during the Bhog ceremony of Sant Kartar Singh Khalsa on 25 August 1977 following the latter's death in a road accident.

The Damdami Taksal itself was not widely known among the Sikh masses. Outside limited religious circles, few ordinary Sikhs were familiar with its name, role, or influence.

Every individual who aspires to establish himself as a community leader requires an issue around which he can mobilize public opinion. The first step is to identify a cause and then draw the attention of the wider community towards it.

In the Indian subcontinent, one of the most popular themes employed by superficial and shortsighted leaders has been the invocation of an alleged threat to the very existence of a community or its religious identity. Once such a threat is projected, people are rallied around the cause, often through emotional rather than rational appeals.

Having assumed leadership of the Damdami Taksal, Bhindranwala identified the activities of the Nirankaris as the issue around which he would mobilize Sikh sentiment.

The Nirankari Mission had already established a substantial following and maintained hundreds of centers across India and abroad. Their teachings drew references from the Guru Granth Sahib but differed from mainstream Sikh doctrine on one fundamental question. They believed that a living spiritual guide was necessary to assist followers in understanding religious teachings and applying them to everyday life.

Bhindranwala strongly opposed this concept. He maintained that the title of Guru belonged exclusively to the Ten Sikh Gurus and that no other individual could legitimately claim such authority.

For him, the issue was not merely a theological disagreement. It became a struggle over religious legitimacy.

As tensions grew, doctrinal disagreement gradually transformed into hostility. The Nirankari convention at Amritsar became a rallying point. Religious debate increasingly gave way to confrontation.

Bhindranwala possessed quick wit, a commanding presence, and an extraordinary ability to stir emotions. His speeches electrified audiences, particularly the youth. His popularity grew rapidly at a time when many Sikhs felt frustrated, alienated, and politically marginalized.

Yet charisma alone is not leadership. The ability to stir emotions is not the same as the ability to guide a community through complex political realities.

Lessons from the Past

Pre-Independence Hindus gifted themselves a Mahatma. Post-Independence Sikhs gifted themselves a Santji.

The Mahatma embarked upon a mission to liberate Hindustanis from British rule through non-violence. The Santji embarked upon a holy war to liberate Sikhs from what he portrayed as slavery in Hindustan through organized violence.

The Mahatma was not merely an apostle of non-violence. He was a barrister with considerable experience in political struggle, mass mobilization, and constitutional processes. He understood the machinery of governance and the nature of state power.

The head of the Damdami Taksal came from an entirely different background. He was a preacher rather than a statesman. He possessed remarkable oratorical skills but lacked comparable experience in administration, governance, constitutional politics, and statecraft.

The consequences of that distinction would prove profound.

The Intoxicating Nature of Power

The rise of Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala was not merely the story of a preacher gaining popularity. It was also the story of a man who gradually discovered the extraordinary influence he could exercise over large numbers of people.

History teaches that the most intoxicating substance known to mankind is not alcohol, opium, or any narcotic drug. It is power.

The intoxication of power is unique because it affects not the body but the mind. It creates a sense of invincibility. It convinces its victim that he possesses superior wisdom, superior judgment, and superior moral authority.

Once bitten by the serpent of power, the poison spreads slowly. Reason gives way to arrogance. Prudence yields to recklessness. Judgment becomes clouded by self-righteousness.

The events surrounding Bhindranwala's arrest and release in connection with the murder investigation of Lala Jagat Narain illustrate this phenomenon.

His arrest and release were not merely legal developments. They became political events. Far from diminishing his stature, they enhanced it. Each confrontation increased his popularity. Each retreat by the authorities strengthened the perception that he stood above ordinary constraints.

Questions gradually gave way to devotion. Critical examination gave way to loyalty. The man increasingly became a symbol.

And once a leader becomes a symbol, objective assessment becomes difficult.

Facts matter less than emotions. Narratives become more important than realities. The movement increasingly revolves around the personality of the leader rather than the merit of the cause.

Meanwhile, Punjab's political environment was undergoing rapid transformation. Rivalries between political parties, factional struggles, electoral calculations, militant activism, and administrative failures combined to create conditions in which increasingly radical voices gained prominence.

The Dharam Yudh Morcha, originally conceived as a constitutional and political agitation, gradually became overshadowed by militant rhetoric and armed activism.

Punjab entered a cycle of escalating confrontation.

The tragedy did not emerge overnight.

It unfolded one incident at a time.

One assassination was followed by another. Acts of intimidation became routine. Targeted killings generated retaliatory violence. Bank robberies financed weapons procurement. Aircraft hijackings sought political concessions. Public fear increased. Communal mistrust deepened. Moderate voices were drowned out by extremists.

The chronology that follows demonstrates how Punjab moved from religious disagreement to political confrontation, from confrontation to militancy, and from militancy to catastrophe.

The Descent into Violence: 1980–1984

The story of Punjab's descent into violence did not begin with Operation Blue Star. By the time the Indian Army entered the Golden Temple complex in June 1984, Punjab had already endured years of assassinations, bombings, armed robberies, hijackings, communal killings, attacks on police personnel, political murders, and organized acts of intimidation.

The chronology of events is important because it reveals the cumulative process through which violence became normalized.

Assassination of Baba Gurbachan Singh

24 April 1980

The head of the Sant Nirankari Mission was shot dead at his residence in Delhi. Ranjit Singh and his associates, followers of Bhindranwala, were implicated in the assassination.

Armed Bank Robberies Begin

Late 1980

A series of armed robberies targeting cooperative and nationalized banks began across rural Punjab. The proceeds were used to procure weapons, ammunition, transportation, and logistics.

Assassination of Lala Jagat Narain

9 September 1981

The founder-editor of the Hind Samachar Group and a prominent critic of Bhindranwala was assassinated near Ludhiana. The murder triggered one of the most consequential episodes in Punjab's modern history.

Arrest of Bhindranwala and Mehta Chowk Violence

20 September 1981

Bhindranwala surrendered to police at Mehta Chowk. Violent clashes erupted between his supporters and security forces, resulting in multiple deaths and injuries. Rather than diminishing his influence, the episode elevated his stature among supporters.

Jalandhar Market Shootings

21 September 1981

Motorcycle-borne gunmen opened indiscriminate fire in Jalandhar, killing Hindu civilians and deepening communal tensions.

Hijacking of Indian Airlines Flight 423

29 September 1981

Militants hijacked an Indian Airlines aircraft and diverted it to Lahore, demanding Bhindranwala's release and other concessions.

Punjab Pays the Price

By June 1984, Punjab had become trapped in a cycle of fear, violence, and political paralysis. Militancy had entrenched itself. Moderate leadership had weakened. Public confidence in institutions had eroded.

The state's response culminated in Operation Blue Star.

The consequences were catastrophic.

The assault on the Golden Temple complex inflicted deep wounds upon Sikh religious consciousness. The assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was followed by the anti-Sikh massacres of November 1984. Years of insurgency and counterinsurgency followed.

Thousands died.

Punjab paid a terrible price.

The Real Lesson

The ultimate lesson of the Punjab tragedy is not about one man. It is about the relationship between leadership, power, emotion, violence, and governance.

Communities that fail to understand how power operates become vulnerable to manipulation by both charismatic leaders and political establishments.

The future of the Sikh community does not lie in the glorification of any individual—whether Mahatma or Sant, ruler or martyr.

It lies in understanding governance, strengthening institutions, defending civil liberties, demanding accountability, and ensuring that future generations never again become pawns in larger political games.

To understand the past is not to remain imprisoned by it.

It is to prepare wisely for the future and begin the democratic process of empowering the people, "Power to People", through dialogue.

 

'Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala' A Curse or a Blessing- A holy cow or a wild bull, Time for introspection for the Sikhs-1

 “Let us understand the past & prepare for the future.”

"ਕੂੜੁ ਨਿਖੁਟੇ ਨਾਨਕਾ, ਓੜਕਿ ਸਚਿ ਰਹੀ"

Although 42 years have passed from the fateful day, when the Indian army was used to attack the holiest of Sikh Shrines, every year, the arrival of June is observed as a ritualistic month to glorify a Sant by the Sikh community. People keep creating stories as eye-witness accounts, and to me, it seems the community is going in circles, and culling out selective truths that may appeal to the emotions of the masses and simultaneously suit the persona of the "Santji".

Hindus of pre-Independence India gifted themselves a Mahatma who had embarked upon the mission of liberating Hindustanis from British slavery, and Sikhs of post-British India gifted themselves a Santji who embarked upon the holy war to liberate Sikhs from slavery in Hindustan. The Mahatma was used by the British to advance their own agenda and implement their own strategy; the outcome was an unprecedented bloodbath. Similarly, Santji rose to prominence through his quick wit and fiery speeches, stirring and inflaming public emotions. The ruling Congress exploited the situation, creating a killing field that culminated in yet another unprecedented bloodbath.

Although the Mahatma was a great apostle of non-violence and fully understood the consequences and dynamics of mob mentality, the ruling establishment still succeeded in employing divisive politics to achieve its objectives. The Mahatma was a Barrister-at-Law with considerable grassroots experience in mass mobilization. He understood the workings of the governance apparatus and the nature of state power. In contrast, the Sikh preacher of Damdami Taksal was far removed from such experiences and understanding of political and administrative dynamics—and the rest is history.

Was the rise of Damdami Taksal head Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala in Sikh politics, and the cycle of violence initiated by him and his followers, a curse or a blessing? Was his transformation into the sole self-styled spokesperson of the Akalis' Dharamyudh Morcha, and his effective hijacking of that movement while portraying himself as the sole and all-powerful leader and arbitrator of the Sikh community, the product of a coherent political vision? Or was it merely an emotionally charged rhetorical instrument designed to invoke public sentiment and mobilize gullible Sikh masses?

I know that many Sikhs, and some Hindus as well, never tire of portraying Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala as a peaceful preacher and repeatedly claim that there was never an FIR registered against him. The reality, however, is quite the opposite of this propaganda. The fact of the matter is that Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala was instrumental in the killing of Lala Jagat Narain on 9 September 1981 through his own nephew, Swaran Singh, son of Jagir Singh of village Rode,  along with Nacchatar Singh and Dalbir Singh, who acted as his bodyguards. Swaran Singh and Dalbir Singh were armed with .32-bore and .455-bore revolvers, while Nacchatar Singh drove the motorcycle. All this information shall be a matter of police records and part of the disclosure.

The arrest and subsequent release of Bhindranwala were not the outcome of professional police work but rather the result of political manipulations by the state and central governments of the day. These developments further emboldened Bhindranwala, leading him to believe that he was invincible. During the period of Bhindranwala's custody, the AISSF had already begun a campaign of bombings and killings aimed at generating terror. Bhindranwala never condemned this violence. On the contrary, he encouraged it by preaching that anyone who joined his jatha would remain beyond the police's reach.

The aftermath of the Indian Army's attack on the holiest Sikh shrine, the consequent damage to the Akal Takht, and the loss of innumerable innocent lives deeply shocked the conscience of Sikhs across the world. In response, people reacted according to their individual convictions, capacities, and understanding of the unfolding events.

History repeatedly demonstrates that, in moments of insecurity, communities become vulnerable to charismatic personalities who promise dignity, justice, and redemption. Such leaders often possess an extraordinary ability to mobilize emotions, inspire devotion, and transform public grievances into mass movements. Yet history also teaches that charisma alone is not wisdom, and emotional mobilization is not a substitute for political vision.

The twentieth century offers many examples of charismatic leaders whose appeal ultimately brought disaster upon the very people they claimed to represent. Their success lay not in solving societal problems but in convincing followers that emotional confrontation was a substitute for institutional reform. Once a society enters that path, reasoned debate gives way to slogans, moderation is branded as weakness, and violence begins to appear acceptable in pursuit of supposedly noble objectives.

The Sikh community must confront this difficult historical question regarding Jarnail Singh Bhindranwala and the turbulent events of Punjab during the late 1970s and early 1980s.

Bhindranwala emerged as a powerful religious preacher at a time when many Sikhs felt politically marginalized and culturally insecure. His speeches resonated with sections of Sikh youth who were frustrated by corruption, political opportunism, and the government's failure to address genuine grievances. His rise reflected not merely his personal appeal but also the vacuum created by ineffective political leadership and the manipulation of religious sentiments by competing political actors.

However, inspiration and leadership are not the same thing. A religious preacher may be capable of mobilizing followers, but leading a complex political struggle requires a deep understanding of constitutional processes, state institutions, economics, diplomacy, and long-term strategy. There is little evidence that Bhindranwala possessed either the training or experience necessary to guide a political movement confronting one of the world's largest states.

The consequences were devastating. Punjab descended into an atmosphere of fear, polarization, communal hatred, and violence. Political disputes increasingly became matters of intimidation and force. The cycle of retaliation escalated. Innocent civilians, police personnel, public servants, journalists, political activists, and ordinary citizens became victims. Communities that had coexisted for generations found themselves divided by suspicion and fear.

Ultimately, the violence consumed its own architects. Bhindranwala lost his life during the military action at the Golden Temple complex in June 1984. Thousands of innocent devotees also paid the heavy price. The subsequent anti-Sikh massacres of 1984 inflicted further trauma upon the Sikh community and remain one of independent India's darkest chapters. The decade that followed witnessed extensive bloodshed, human-rights violations, disappearances, and the destruction of countless families.

The crucial question for the Sikh community is not whether Bhindranwala was sincere. Sincerity alone does not determine historical judgment. The real question is whether the path he championed advanced Sikh interests or damaged them.

Measured by outcomes, the record is sobering. Punjab's economy suffered. Sikh political influence diminished. Thousands of Sikh youth lost their lives, liberty, or future opportunities. The community emerged more divided than united. The structural problems confronting ordinary citizens remained largely unresolved.

Most importantly, the system that many sought to challenge remained intact.

The true challenge facing Sikhs—and indeed all citizens of India—is not the memory of one individual but the continuation of a governance structure inherited from colonial rule. The British Raj created institutions designed primarily for control rather than citizen empowerment. After independence, many of these structures survived with only limited reform. The concentration of power, bureaucratic opacity, weak local accountability, and excessive dependence on centralized authority continue to affect citizens irrespective of religion, caste, or region.

If Sikhs genuinely seek justice, dignity, and self-respect, their struggle should focus not on romanticizing past confrontations but on building democratic institutions capable of protecting liberty and accountability for all.

The future does not belong to those who glorify martyrdom alone. It belongs to those who understand governance, law, economics, education, and democratic participation. Communities progress when they produce scholars, reformers, entrepreneurs, jurists, educators, and public intellectuals who can challenge unjust systems through knowledge and organization rather than emotional mobilization alone.

The Sikh tradition itself provides this lesson. The Gurus combined spiritual wisdom with social reform, institution-building, community service, and ethical governance. Their legacy was not merely resistance to injustice but the creation of alternative institutions rooted in human dignity and collective responsibility.

The challenge before the Sikh community today is therefore not whether to worship or condemn Bhindranwala. The challenge is to learn from history. Communities that transform historical figures into unquestionable icons often become prisoners of the past. Communities that critically examine their history acquire the wisdom necessary to shape the future.

The greatest tribute to the victims of Punjab's tragedy is not the preservation of old divisions but the determination to ensure that future generations never repeat the same mistakes.

The Sikh community must therefore move beyond personalities and focus on principles; beyond emotion and toward understanding; beyond symbolic battles and toward institutional reform. Only then can it contribute meaningfully to the larger struggle for a democratic society in which power truly belongs to the people rather than to political elites, bureaucratic establishments, or inherited colonial structures.

History should not be a shrine. It should be a teacher.

The purpose of remembering the past is not to relive it but to learn from it and build a better future.

Book Review : Decriminalizing the victims, Book Review by G.S.Sood in GFilesIndia.com on June 5 2016

 THE facts contained in the book may have faded out of the memory of most since it is based on the events that author revisited after a gap of more than a decade of his 20 years (1983-2003) association at senior level with government of India as frontline operation officer as an Officer Commanding on Internal security duty in field to policy making and planning in Vigilance and Counter Intelligence. But as the saying goes that ‘those who forget the history are condemned to repeat it’, the book is a must read especially for those manning the current establishment since the onus now lies on Modi Government to correct the grave misdeeds committed by the previous regime knowingly or unknowingly to remain in power.

Also, in a state of falsehood where police and judiciary are turned into coercive arms of the state to perpetrate organised violence with deluge of disinformation to give legitimacy to state tyranny through its planted operations on the pretext of preserving unity and territorial integrity of the nation, it becomes impossible for independent scholars to have access to reliable and authentic data (that author as an insider provides) on chain of such critical events that help India sustain its proxy war against its civil society and persistent criminal acts of state agencies in India. On one count, the author concludes that police in every state of India is one of the most hated and feared organisation by the public due to its predatory work culture. Public in general do not trust the police its corruption and criminalization.

The author has given an illustrative account of how the “Executive pillar of democracy, manned by dumb babus of IAS/IPS without any domain expertise, devoid of problem solving aptitude and organising abilities appointed for being pliable with criminal propensities, blind obedience and loyalty to enlightened political terrorists in position of power doomed the public of this republic. He illustrates with evidences as to how theory of ‘Controlled Chaos’ evolved by evil political genius with sponsored acts of terrorism through its rogue intelligence and security agencies was mistaken to belief that it would ensure their continuity in power and invariably lead to uncontrolled events in politics.

He writes that if India will ever disintegrate, it will be due to the excesses of its existing colonial police work culture and security forces. Country is all about its people, rest is all theory and vested interests wrapped in piece of cloth handed over to bunch of thugs in special costumes, who march in rank and file, for nothing but their livelihood and brand it as “Nationalism”. It’s time to redefine the “Nationalism” and make each and every anti people state functionary accountable for his acts of treason against the people and the country.

Discussing the role of army in democracies, the author observes that Indian Army and paramilitary forces will keep failing as long as they will keep meddling in internal political affairs of the country and themselves to be used by divisive political leadership against own countrymen and will be doomed, the day they will be pitted against external aggression. They will have to protect on two fronts, their internal front of alienated masses who have been their victims since last 68 years and the adversary.

He says that if a corrupt political government enacts the laws of lawlessness to criminalise and disintegrate a political movement of civic sovereignty, it becomes the moral responsibility of democratically elected popular political government to decriminalise the victims and not only provide them relief but to honor their sacrifices and compensate them for the hardships these victims endured.( Mr.G.S.Sood The author is retired as Professor from the University of Delhi in 2024. He is an alumnus of IIM Indore and holds a PhD from the Delhi School of Economics. An investor activist and former member of various SEBI committees. He taught Capital Markets and Investment Banking at leading business schools of India.)

Are rogues of IPS responsible for spiraling crime, corruption and insurgencies in India

 Congratulations Mr. Gajendra Singh Chaudhary.(Does India Need IPS headed Policing) It is for the first time in the history of post British India that I am reading an article that has been written to address an issue that forms the backbone of spiraling crime and corruption and criminalization of the police in post British India. During British era police in India was brutal but certainly not criminalized and violating the principle of “Due process”.

In the post British India, the phenomenon of encounter specialist cops doing cold blooded murders in the streets, is all creation of rogue minds of IPS, who see power not as medium of “service” but “dominance & Authority”, rather in true sense if we compare them with street criminals of violent crimes and extortion, police will be found to be doing the same acts with complete impunity and protection of these very rogue IPS. Criminalization and corruption in police is all due to lack of integrity among IPS, who wield absolute authority without any direct accountability, and you will find vast majority of them suffering from authoritarian and dominance tendencies for lacking professionalism.

I had written to UPSC, as to how they check the aptitude for candidates of IPS and they replied there is no specific test designed to identify such an aptitude needed specifically to be police officer, but there after they introduced one and prospective candidates of UPSC had gone on strike outside Dholpur House.

Police in Indian states has graduated to organized criminal acts that are covered on live TV to eliminate the controversial goons and politicians. All the credit goes to elitist and glorified IPS for criminalization of police. The murder of Atiq Ahmed was live telecast with complete police patronage. The Gill era in Punjab with thousands of cold blooded murders in fake encounters is testimony to the trait of authoritarianism that created millionaire cops and it continues and spread across India.

Everyone cannot become a police officer. One needs to have aptitude and Turning an individual into a professional police officer is highly transformative and comprehensive process and involves time duration to enable an individual to pick up the nuances of the profession.

‪But the intake system in the police in India is totally retrograde to this aspect. The officers of IPS remain devoid of practical experience and acquire superfluous experience in limited periods as mere fomality. And instead of taking professional policing decisions, they take political decisions, resorting to shortcuts for instant results and in turn they transform the complete policing into the gang of criminals as was described by Justice Anand Narain Mulla of the Allahabad High Court who had once famously remarked that “there is not a single lawless group in the whole of the country whose record of crime comes anywhere near the record of that organised unit which is known as the police in India".

‪I remember I had written a letter to commissioner Delhi Police on the suspension of an SHO and at that time, I mentioned to him that the IPS are nothing but “Chair force” and always pitted against “ police force”.

‪I am happy that professionals like Mr. Chaudhary have began taking interest on this aspect of governance and now there can be hope that police reforms may begin in the right direction, the kind of Reforms that need to take place from the perspective of the citizens of post British India. The IPS deputation to Central armed police forces need to immediately stop since they remain devoid of practical operational and administrative experience In these forces at the grass roots, no training, capsule or academic degree can substitute the practical operational and administrative experience.

Police personnel in every Indian state are trained like infantry combatants, same story goes for the Central police Forces.

It is the police working that provokes conflict, escalates it and turns it into full blown insurgency, all due to incompetent and unprofessional IPS heading the state police organizations and when similar incompetent lot is allowed to throng the Central police organizations too, Indians rot in the simmering heat of conflicts and insurgencies.

Police system in India needs complete radical overhaul with restructuring, retraining and demilitarization and decentralization with a paradigm shift from current intake system of IPS.

Beyond the Line of Control: A Life Lived on the Frontiers of Duty and Dissent

 

 

Guarding the frontiers against hostile enemies and unfriendly neighbors is no ordinary duty, a relentless test of courage, endurance, and sheer willpower. It demands men and women who can withstand killing loneliness, months of separation from their families, and the crushing silence of landscapes untouched by human life.

In these remote outposts, where the freezing howling wind itself feels like an enemy and resources are painfully scarce, survival is an art learned the hard way. Improvisation becomes instinct, deception becomes armor, and every breath is taken with the knowledge that the next could be your last.

On a routine patrol—if anything here can ever be called routine—every step is a gamble. A drifted landmine could be sleeping beneath thick foliage or buried silently under layers of snow, waiting for an unlucky boot to trigger its fury. An enemy sniper could be lying still for hours, camouflaged in shadows, making death only a heartbeat and a bullet away for any member of the patrol.

Those who face these hazards not occasionally but as a way of life—day after day, night after night—cannot be ordinary people. They are forged in isolation, hardened by danger, and sustained by a sense of duty that defies explanation. Every moment on these borders is a battle for survival, every second an act of defiance against a war that never truly ends.

 They live where nothing reigns but fear—and yet they stand.

A Soldier is Forged by Contradictions

This story revolves around a man born into contradiction and built for conflict—an armed forces officer recruited as a police officer, trained as an infantry combatant, and deployed as a peacekeeper in a nation spiraling into violent rebellion.

To add to the absurdity, he drew the salary of an Army Second Lieutenant, performed the duties of a Major, and wore the rank of a Captain. A walking contradiction, dressed in three stars, tasked with pacifying a land that had spent two centuries being brutalized by colonial rule. Generations of subjugation had turned its people into rebels, its villages into simmering furnaces of dissent, and its politics into a tragic comedy of recycled tyranny.

Independence was supposed to be liberation.

Instead, the colonial baton was passed neatly into the hands of new political masters—leaders who had once rallied the masses against foreign oppression but then preserved the same machinery of control. Successive governments fed the fires of conflict, breeding discontent, betrayal, and insurgency across the nation.    

Into this chaos stepped Aridaman Jit Singh.

A Lineage Carved in Battle

Aridaman was born into a family where conflict was not an event, it was a tradition. His grandfather fought in the British Army during World War I. Two uncles served through World War II and later in India’s wars against Pakistan and China. His father stood in the line as an officer in the Rajasthan Police and later in the Border Security Force.

Growing up in the Rajasthan Police Lines was like growing up inside a military training film. Parade grounds echoed with rifle drills. Boots thundered like daily earthquakes. Bugles replaced lullabies. Before he understood algebra, he had already memorized the difference between a left turn, a right turn, and a life-altering wrong turn.

He thrived in the National Cadet Corps, excelling in athletics, boxing, shooting, and tactical exercises. At the 1982 Advance Leadership Camp in Pachmarhi, he rose above hundreds of cadets to be declared Best All-Rounder, winning the gold medal for drill, endurance, combat skills, and cross-country running.

After completing his M.A. in History from Kurukshetra University in 1983, he cleared the national competition for the Border Security Force and joined as a Platoon Commander. Forty-four weeks of grueling training later, he passed out of the BSF Academy on March 31, 1984—a polished weapon ready for deployment.

The Inspector General, the Turban, and the Ten-Minute Purgatory

In April, 1984 the ten freshly minted direct-entry Platoon Commanders reported to the Inspector General’s Headquarters in Calcutta. A collective inspection was underway. Of the ten, nine were assigned to border units almost immediately.

But the tenth—

the lone turbaned officer—

was met with something else.

Inspector General W.G.J. Mudaliar, IPS a short, sharp-featured officer with the quiet intensity of a man used to being obeyed, stopped in front of him. He scanned him slowly—from turban to boots—like he was reading an encrypted message on a reluctant computer screen. And then, without saying a word, moved on.

Units were announced one by one. Luggage was mentally packed. Travel routes were calculated. Spirits were high.

And then there was the last guy.

No posting.

No instructions.

No explanation.

Just silence.

A brand-new officer’s worst nightmare.

Was his training faulty?

Was his turn-out unacceptable?

Was he fired before he even began?

He wandered to the Inspector Admin’s office, looking for answers. Instead, he found the universal greeting given to new entrants in all armed forces: snubs, grunts, and majestic indifference.

His career had begun.

But nobody had told him how—

or where.   

United States of America's Highway Safety depends on Experience-Not Immigration Status

  America’s Trucking Safety Depends on Experience — Not Immigration Status

When the Department of Transportation issued its Interim Final Rule on September 29, 2025, targeting the commercial driving privileges of nearly 196,000 non-domiciled CDL holders, it framed the decision as a matter of “restoring integrity” and improving roadway safety. But the Department’s justification—citing three accidents involving non-domiciled drivers—raises more questions than answers. It also risks causing a crisis far larger and more dangerous than the one it claims to prevent.

The rule targets individuals who have already passed one of the most rigorous state-level testing systems in the world. Each commercial driver—domiciled or not—is required to demonstrate mastery of written knowledge, hazard perception, judgment, information processing, and practical driving skills under live traffic conditions. These tests are administered by trained professionals who assess exactly what matters for road safety.

Crucially, none of these capabilities are influenced by immigration status.

Driving a Class A commercial vehicle is not a theoretical exercise; it is a profession built on skill, endurance, situational awareness, and years of practical experience. The safest drivers are not the ones with the “right” paperwork—they are the ones who have spent thousands of hours navigating storms, construction zones, reckless motorists, mechanical failures, and the daily complexity of America’s highways.

To remove nearly 200,000 experienced drivers overnight—many with years of spotless records—ignores the basic truth that experience is the most valuable safety asset on the road. No regulatory change can manufacture it. No policy memo can replace it.

This rule does more than sideline workers. It risks destabilizing the supply chain at a time when the nation’s logistics system is still rebuilding resilience. Removing this many qualified drivers from the workforce will inevitably:

Flood the roads with inexperienced replacements

Increase training burdens on carriers

Raise freight costs and delivery delays

Disrupt essential goods movement

Create financial devastation for the families of 196,000 drivers

The nation simply cannot afford a safety policy that makes the roads less safe.

America’s democratic institutions have stood for more than two centuries because they protect principles of fairness, evidence-based decision-making, and equality before the law. A regulation that treats a driver’s immigration category as a proxy for safety fails that test. It also risks setting a dangerous precedent where professional competence is overshadowed by political gesture.

The Justices now reviewing this rule bear a weighty responsibility. Their deliberation is not only about regulatory limits—it is about whether the nation’s commitment to fairness and merit still holds. The executive branch crafts policy, but it is the judiciary that ensures those policies honor the Constitution, the facts, and the people affected.

A better path is possible. A fairer, smarter, safer approach would focus on what truly causes accidents: fatigue, substance misuse, poor maintenance, inadequate training, and unsafe carrier practices—not nationality or immigration paperwork. These are issues America has addressed before, with bipartisan support and industry cooperation.

We do not build safer highways by removing skilled drivers. We build safer highways by supporting them, training them, and enforcing rules that actually improve safety outcomes.

For the sake of road safety, economic stability, and the livelihoods of 196,000 families, this rule deserves not just reconsideration—but a complete re-examination grounded in evidence, experience, and the values that define American democracy.

Experience makes safe drivers.

Not immigration status.

Not political spectacle.

And certainly not a rule that confuses the two.

 Barriers to seek justice for minorities in India

There is no question of barriers to justice when you have perpetrators in position of power to administer justice, how do you expect them to go for extreme suicidal step of delivering you justice. As long as the power formation of the laws of the lawlessness will remain in existence and the state is perpetrator of crimes, there will be no justice. If you allow to be taken captive through hollow and deceptive philosophy of governance and justice against which your forefathers sacrificed their lives, then you deserved it.

The biggest barrier in seeking justice in India is the existing state and its attendant institutions of coercive criminal justice system of India that was founded by the colonial rulers and functions on the principle of deception and surprise. The foremost and time-tested principal employed by armies from around the world to win the wars is the principle of deception, to surprise the enemy. The moment enemy succeeds in surprising you to the extent that you perceive him your ally and protector; you are in the midst of a disaster for extinction. The communities that are victims of injustice in post-1947 India are all the victims of colonial India and the two most deceptive institutions of colonial state, the local militia, named as police & " the Indian judiciary " both of these institutions function and follow all the colonial laws, protocols and practices & workculture, that were designed to terrorise and brutalise the public to generate sense of fear and ensure wilful subjugation of communities, for unhindered economic exploitation and that’s what these two institutions have been deceptively doing. In the democratic setup of India both these institutions are mandated for delivering security and justice to the people but the past practical experiences of people on ground substantiate that security and justice is made first casualty by these very two institutions.

The blueprint of these injustices was made by Benjamin Franklin while writing the rules of colonialism, where he says however peaceably your colonies have submitted to your government, shown their affection to your interests, and patiently borne their grievances, you are to suppose them always inclined to revolt and treat them accordingly. Quarter troops among them, who by their insolence may provoke the rising of mobs, and by their bullets and bayonets suppress them. Whenever the injured come to the capital with complaints of maladministration, oppression, or injustice, punish such suitors with long delay, enormous expense and a final judgement in favour of the oppressor.

The Sikh community, the community of warriors, the community that was founded to fight injustice, finds itself as the worst victim of injustices perpetrated not only by political families of majoritarian Hindu community but also by both of these deceptive institutions of police & the alleged Indian judiciary for having raised its voice against injustice and these deceptive institutions have dealt with the Sikh community in accordance to the colonial work culture of terrorising and brutalising the complainants of injustice and advance the agenda of the oppressor state.

The exploitative regime of colonialism, functions on the principle of denying the principal identity of communities by decimating it, through brutalities & terror and by killing the community leaders and to implement this strategy, it protects its criminal institutions through the laws of lawlessness and that's what, post 1947 India has been witnessing. The Sikh community perceives itself as the victim because it raised its voice against injustice and corruption organised itself to democratically challenge the state to demand its rights and the colonial state and its autocratic ruler family that had been nurtured and planted to assume the power deliberately created the circumstances and used the might of Indian army to eliminate this purported threat to the sovereignty of India .but Sikh community should not forget that same treatment is administered to that every community that has its distinct identity and which raises its voice against corruption, injustice and perceived as threat by the existing state.

The insurgency of Nagaland happens to be the oldest insurgency in the country dating back to 1960s. The 21 states of India are under the shadow of another insurgent movement in the name of naxalites where unarmed villagers are being killed in the criminal acts of security forces on regular intervals and community leaders are being tortured to death. The people of Kashmir have paid a heavy price with their lives and properties for having raised their voice against injustice and corruption of exploitative regimes but still it continues unabated. The extra constitutional laws, created by the autocratic rulers of post-1947 India who had assumed the powers of governance from Britishers have kept on succeeding in maintaining status quo by enacting new laws of lawlessness use of Indian army by a state that remains on war with its own people all the time is all part of the post colonial colonialism that perceives Indian society, only through the prism of the ruler and the ruled. The exploitative regime of this post 1947 colonialism has its own social order of the ruler and the ruled and any community or individual, who so ever will endeavour to destabilise this social order will be killed by the state forces or through judicial murders and it is continuing unabated.

It is the biggest propaganda and fraud of 21st century when India claims itself as the world's largest democracy. On the eve of departure from India, the British Rulers handedover the colonial power structure to those political people who were broughtup and conversant with British culture and British value system. and had been acting middleman to diffuse the pressure on colonial rulers by channelising the energy of revolting public from grassroots. This Political leadership with complete loyality to its British Masters not only continued all the antidemocratic laws, rules regulations and protocols and practices in post independent India, they adopted harshest parts of British laws(Government of India Act 1935, Defence of India rules 1910 and redrafted as Defence of India Act 1915) while writting democratic constitution. All those people who were educated and broght up with British education and language wrote democratic constitution of Independent India with antidemocratic laws in tandem.In the name of democracy, India though adopted electoral system but it has continued all the colonial laws of lawlessness and its complete governance apparatus including deceptive judiciary that functions on the principles of absolute discretion and complete immunity to accountability and sole reason of endemic corruption and injustice to its people. It is the judicial corruption and exploitation of governance apparatus protected by local militia in the form of police and Indian army that has led to the emergence of new class struggles in the country.

Nowhere in the world, justice can be dispensed to the people through the laws and the language that remains alien to the social fabric of that society. The Indian judiciary is still following all the colonial laws that were created by Britishers and worded and structured in a way that gives absolute discretion and liberty of interpretation to suit it to its arbitrary judges and accordingly the judicial officers take full advantage of these laws to advance the agenda of state actors/accused and fulfil own vested interests and inflicts injustice to the complainants. The rampant corruption prevalent in judiciary and the police has led to the rejection of both these institutions by the common man on the street and victims of violent crimes keep dying due to public apathy that emanate out of public distrust on these two institutions. As a matter of practice, where ever state actors have been found to be involved in extrajudicial killings or fake encounters the accused persons are allowed to die their natural death before justice is dispensed in such cases. All the cases of corruption or injustice filed against the state actors or even the criminal cases of henious crimes or even rape and murder remain pending in the courts for decades that give advantage to the criminals and inspire their confidence on the courts and the rise in the number of such crimes on the streets is directly attributable to judicial corruption.

The politically elected representatives that are made accountable by public every five years do not have an independent capacity, experience, specialisation & visualisation to bring institutional and structural changes to democratise the existing apparatus and completely bank upon the bureaucratic machinery for policy formulation and this bureaucratic machinery remains on the spree to get enacted Draconian laws to crush the voices of political dissent that are outcome of the conflict between the Democratic aspirations of the people and the existing governance apparatus and its laws.

In such a state of crisis when complete Indian nation is coming in direct conflict with its ruling class, comprising of corrupt political leadership, bureaucracy, judiciary and corrupt media, the onus lies on those community leaders of character and integrity, who can make personal sacrifices of their time and money and organise communities to save Indian society from the onslaught of state institutions and strengthen the political leadership with evidence-based informations for policy formulation for repealing of antidemocratic laws and democratisation of all the governance institutions including police and judiciary. Till such time many more innocent people may have to fall victims to not only injustice and corruption but judicial murders by Indian states and its coercive judiciary and we may have to accept it for having reposed our trust in deceptive institutions and hollow philosophy of establishing the world’s largest democracy.

Miseries of people have not ended

Miseries of people have not ended

book review by Mubashir Rasool Bhat, as it appeared in Rising Kashmir News paper of Srinagar on Wednesday, 11 May 2016.

The book is divided into British era and post-British India, with the authors passionately debating that not much has changed since the transition of power.

Seikh Sadi warned, beware the buildup of an inward wound, for it will at last burst, avoid while you can, distress to one heart, for a single moan can quake the earth.

The book "At war: Four Pillars of Falsehood & Public of Republic", is a never before expose of the prevailing status quo, the inherent colonial legacy. The authors Aridaman Jit Singh and Nayani Singh makes a bold assertion by suggesting that India in real essence never attained freedom from Britain, but covertly transferred the ownership from autocratic British to the colonial pimps.

The term colonial pimps is freely used throughout the book to relate to the stalwarts of the freedom movement like Mohan Das Karamchand Gandhi, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, and Indian National Congress (INC).

The authors provides food for thought when they dig into the past of Pandit Nehru and MK Gandhi, lays bare the historical narrative and provides conclusive proof with regards to them having been on the side of the British all through the enactment of the freedom struggle circus.

Readers discretion advised: be prepared to gasp, as the gory truths about deceit and manipulations are let loose in the public domain with undeniable facts, Gandhis "Kaiser-i-Hind" award for smearing the revolution in South Africa, how Bruce came to the fore, and how revolutionaries like Bhagat Singh etal, they are supreme sacrifices were never owned will keep readers glued to the book.

This well-documented and precisely written pieces of scholarship is divided into British era and post-British India, with the authors passionately debating that not much has changed since the transition of power.

The authors wish to tell the audience that the transition of power from the British Crown was to India and not to Bharat. The Bharat suffered under the oppressive regime of East India company and it continues to do so under the autocratic representatives of the Queen, conciliatory class of intermediaries of Indian National Congress and Muslim league.

The prices of the people have not ended, with change of flags and guard. Colonies don't cease to be colonies by getting independence of the sort India achieved.

"At War; Four Pillars of Falsehood & Public of Republic" is a story of betrayal of gullible Indian population since the dawn of the end of the colonial oppression. Empowered with dubious colonial laws and equally ambiguous and indeterminate Constitution of India, that was described as wastepaper by some of the saner souls of the constituent assembly, the country has continued the solmon traditions of the extortionists colonial state craft; all the while projecting itself as world's largest democracy.

The authors write that executive, judiciary, legislature and press have achieved exactly opposite of what they want us to believe they stand for.

The hypocrisy of the icons of freedom struggle often comes to the fore as the authors unfold the ambivalence and posturing of their whims. The judiciary which Nehru refused to be tried under in 1921, declared its farce, is the same he preferred when "tryst with destiny"speech was belted.

The authors further writet that "India awakens to freedom" was a deception galore to lull people into incomprehension.. On a lighter note, the authors wants us to know that when the "India awakens to freedom" speech being broadcasted, the only people sleeping were the people of India as it was around midnight and vast majority of rural hard-working Indians having the much deserved rest.

The authors say that the only people who were awake were the people of England along with their Queen.

The book gives a vivid description of how the state machinery inherited from the British was unleased on people as a source of oppression and it continues to be so. Exploitative taxation under Raj continues in form or another, pillars of democracy refused to hold state machinery answerable on account of crimes perpetrated against the average Indian, the executive, the judiciary, the legislature and the press is nothing but the knight in shining armour.

The authors have also called the Indian Constitution as the "law of the lawlessness".

One of the authors have served in security apparatus of India and was deputed as operational commander on internal security duty to Punjab, where the Khalistan movement had spread its tentacles and engulfed the whole region.

He articulates the case study where he had his fingers on the pulse with pure rationale and hard-hitting facts. The situation in Punjab was exaggerated to satisfy the whims and desires of the ruling elite.

The author writes that the drama was enacted with the state machinery empowered with colonial laws that gave forces the absolute impunity. Hence an acre where people could be held without trial, access to lawyers, and forced disappearances, fake encounters, laws like Armed Forces (special Powers) acts (AFSPA), prevention of terrorism act (POTA), and terrorists and disruptive activities (prevention) act (TADA) ushered in galore. Declaring conspicuous and telling insight his provided when the book discusses how appointments to the offices of highest prominence are carried out. The appointments of Pres, governors of the states, and other top ranking officials within the security apparatus are merely tools of the Central government to rob people of civil sovereignty dodgy ordinances are passed left, right and centre to execute the gory will of the state against the citizenry.

In the conclusion, it would be apt to say that the independence of India has not yet see its dawn, the same draconian colonial abyss prevails; the political movements of the past that claimed to have worked for the people of India have in reality never reflected the true aspirations of people.

In retrospect, it has become all the more imperative that we hold these corridors of power accountable to their vicious agenda against the very people they claim to represent.

The concept of modern-day nationalism has come to blind and divide rather than to enlighten and unite. It is this modern-day Frankestein what Oscar Wilde referred to as" vicious".

The state does what it has to that is to safeguard the territorial integrity and it does so in the garb of democracy.

Author can be emailed at srinagar.dhv@gmail.com